Each of four paragraphs highlighted in different colors they are supposed to be put in six separate position papers. They are each 2-3 pages. Write a position concerning the text(s) of that section. In these, you will pick three separate arguments/claims made by the authors (preferably different ones when possible) and explain whether or not the author effectively proved/explained her/his claim.

In chapter 6: “Cultural Constructions of Gender and Sexuality,” Women in Latin America can only be eligible for certain jobs and men will get anything they apply for automatically. Male dominance is in demand with the concept it’s a man’s world. For example, In Chile and Mexico are determined by dominating the women on whole. Women infatuated important roles and positions until the development of class systems formation. Women who was not worthy of anything or ill work brought sully to her immediate family and husband. Known theory is men are considered superior to the women, they are inferior to the male species. The author detailed ethnographic study of male sex work in the Dominican republic unlocking new insights to the comparison of masculinity and male sexuality more generally.  Sexuality explains how erotic and physical yearning to the opposite sex. A tremendous amount of inequality towards sexes comes directly from belief and ego that women should take the role of domestic duties of the household; such as rearing children, cleaning, clothing, iron, dressing, combing, etc. Customary role for man was to primarily work and provide the funds to support the wife and children. Marianismo is the opposite of machismo; marianismo is the womanhood and femininity, the superlative woman believe and how she should demeanor herself.

Kempadoo, K. 2004. Introduction: Thinking about the Caribbean, in Sexing the Caribbean.

Kempadoo, K. 2004. Past Studies, New Directions: Constructions and Reconstructions of Caribbean Sexuality, in Sexing the Caribbean.

The study of cultural and structural aspects of cross-cultural sexual interactions athwart international borders and these interactions affect local and global constructions pertaining to sexuality. Foreign tourism interests of strategies of development linkage reveals conspicuous throughout the Caribbean. According to Kamala Kempadoo, the movement  “Promoted by the United Nations as a strategy to participate in the global economy since the 1960’s, tourism was adopted by Caribbean governments at different times as a way to diversify their economies, to overcome economic crises that threatened to cripple the small nation-states, and to acquire foreign exchange.” Sexuality is defined as highly contested domain in tourism symbolizes local places and peoples, absurdly a cultural resource that can augment the global marketability of specific destinations as well as potential source of societal ignominy and scapegoating. A reference identified by Barbara Mullings of incongruous nature of sexuality that focuses on female prostitution and Jamaica. She states that, “The disdain that is expressed for sex workers(sex slaves) by many in the tourism industry is all the more ambiguous when the industry as a whole routinely utilizes hedonistic imagery of ‘sun, sand and sex’ that relies heavily on radicalized constructions of women as ‘exotic’ and ‘wild’ to market the island as a tourism destination”. Both appealing active/passive models of sexuality in Dominican gender socialization, highlights few bugarronessankypankies that try to reevaluate their reinstantiating symbolic and bodily boundaries between one another and the maricon. The pleasure industry and usual instrumental uses of sexuality by men and women emphasize one’s identity as bugarron analyze case that believes that behaviors are remunerated monetarily, as away of “looking for life.” Economically and racially marginalized, places young men are considered heterosexuality accessing to one of the few socially power bases available to them. A female tourist with an economic dominant position that has sexual intercourse in relationship is apparently  not intimidate or interrupt culturally accepted expression of masculinity but instead make possible feelings of personal worth and self-confidence. The method of exchange of sex for material and financial benefits with a female tourist, instead, reaffirms conceptions of “real” Caribbean manhood, creating a space for the release of a masculinity that, within the international context, is subordinated to an economically powerful, white masculinity. (Kempadoo 1999a, 24– 5).  Four key strategies were in effect during 1980 that were generated by Caribbean women that dealt with economic adversity: “they had entered the labor force in large numbers; they increasingly engaged in a wide variety of activities in the informal sector; households diversified their survival strategies; and women joined and even predominated in international migration.” Caribbean women on majority were more vulnerable due to processes economic catastrophe and mostly to rivet themselves useful sexually meaning “making do.” Centrality of the country’s sex trade in international prostitution networks within and beyond the Caribbean focused on first regional studies of sexual trafficking of Dominican female sex work. 50,000 domestic Dominican sex workers 50,000 prostitutes abroad work in year of 1996. Kempadoo says “Dominican female sex-work networks in the Caribbean identified multiple trafficking routes within the region and internationally for purposes of prostitution and domestic work, establishing that the most common forms of trafficking involved situations of indenture ship. Women were contracted as workers, prostitutes, dancers, or domestics through an agent in their home country and assisted with travel to another country or region, ending up in circumstances where they would have to pay off large debts for travel expenses and travel documents”. Lastly, women do whatever they have to do to survive even if they have to go to the extreme advertising their bodies as way of financial income and stability for one’s family. Your body should not be a price tag if you are not an item but third world countries or island laws do not enforce proper restrictions towards sex or prostitution if they are benefiting, just as it’s everywhere just as long as Uncle Sam (government) gets a profit.

Findlay, E.  1997.  Decency and Democracy: The Politics of Prostitution in Ponce, Puerto Rico, 1890-1900.

The economic crisis reflective the growth of unruly urban underclass-and  unruly Afro-Puerto Rican women-in the midst as well as other  unsettling development in 1890s’ Ponce. In late-nineteenth century the term democracy was grounded in the increasingly powerful concept of decorousness or respectability. Central role campaign to regulate prostitution, generated cross-class, cross-gender consensus about decency and who its proper sentinels should be. The article elaborates on sexually errant woman, sugarcoated in the image of the prostitute, became a compelling political symbol during the 1890’s in Ponce. The symbol and highly charged political currents that eddied around amalgamate elite male Liberal Autonomist power, and political game in Puerto Rico began to also move profoundly. Ponce’s municipal government in 1898 gained complete rheostat of the regulation prostitution in 1891 by help of liberal autonomists under unconditional rule and campaign. The moral panic on prostitution served the political interests that cleaned the streets and salons of the city that was not cognizant creation of male elites. In 1890s in Ponce moral panic was concocted with intense stigmatization of purported prostitutes, found resonances among the laboring classes. Women ascended out of a union of a number of groups’ interests, pressures, and reactions to demoralizing social change.

A number of unforeseeable political, material, and cultural effects had no only discernible cause. Decency became embedded in men’s official citizenship rights and increasingly demarcated domesticity, as women’s only domain of respectable activities. Women with-standed the agonizing treatment of era in vast amount of different diseases in hygiene hospitals due to the economic crisis, that affect uproar to unemployment and low wages to having to divert to prostitution. Indicating on this note the spread of diseases have sprung from women devaluing themselves un-protectively instead of educated themselves and initiating change for “decency” of a promising generation. In 1891, complaints about immoral women prostitutes of upper-class white residents of Ponce stream in the local newspapers. Regulate prostitution initially came from increasing anxiety of economic crisis, urban growth, and potentially radical social movements which regarded as Puerto rico’s late-nineteenth century sugar regions. “No actually records on file were kept of prostitution in Ponce prior to the 1890s. Even if they had existed, they probably would not have been very accurate, because some urban working women seem to have exchanged sex for cash on an occasional basis they did not consider themselves “prostitutes” and neither did their neighbors”.

Briggs, L. 2002. La Vida, Moynihan, and Other Libels: Migration, Social Science, and the Making of the Puerto Rican Welfare Queen

The debate over bad mothering and disorderly sexuality is said to be the main reason why there is Puerto Rican paucity. The neoconservative representation that culpabilities poverty on “bad mothers” is known as the “welfare queen.” Study of culture of poverty is discussed in book ‘La Vida’; about race and public policy problems; on the Puerto Rican relocation in the U.S. in the 1960s-1980s; ways Puerto Rican activists articulated problems of poverty as organizational issues of racism and labor. Social Science solution as mentioned in La Vida as a public policy dilemma on managing mass migration of Puerto Ricans, in New York. As stated in the La Vida solves the issue by representing Puerto Ricans as hypersexual, bad mothers and own poverty as welfare queens.

Kelly, P.  2008. Modern Sex in a Modern City, Ch. 1 WEB

In Modern Sex in a Modern City the author, Patty Kelly, discusses the introduction of state-regulated prostitution in “La ZonaGalactica” in Tuxtla, Mexico. This place was created in response to prostitution leaking into the nicer neighborhoods and cities and portraying the capital in a negative light. The government then created the ZonaGalactica where prostitution is legal and provides a “safer” environment for those who seek sexual services.  One description that stood out to me was when the author talks about the location of the zone; “One does not arrive at the zone by chance: one must seek it out. Its location is a testament to the current status of commercial sex throughout much of Mexico: available, yet, ideally, invisible” (40). It’s not a place easily stumbled upon and you have to know who to ask to find it, almost like a fantasy world which is separate from the “real world.” The Mexican government did not want to eradicate prostitution completely, instead they found a way to profit from it and move it away from the public eye while controlling where it took place. Although it continued in other places outside of the Galactic Zone, it made the government feel like it was getting a handle on things in regards to prostitution and the hygienic issues it presented. In this designated area everything is in the open and it functions like a small community where the workers and their clients can mingle in a less hostile environment since everyone that frequents the zone knows what goes on there.

Hayes. K. 2011. Wicked Women and Femmes Fatales

In Wicked Women and Femmes Fatales the author, Kelly Hayes, writes about a spiritual entity called PombaGira. People who embrace PombaGira are possessed by this entity in which they embody her and therefore can be free from social ideologies: they could speak freely or do anything they desired whether it be something negative or something they felt passionately about and not be responsible for those actions because they were not themselves when they committed said actions. These practices resembled being possessed and controlled by a being outside of yourself and are viewed as a form of religion.Ms. PombaGira, a boisterous female spirit, was often portrayed in art, sculpture, and film as a voluptuous female demon in red suggestive clothing. Her presence was not limited to Afro-Brazilian spirit-based religions but encompasses into Brazilian society as the “quintessential femme fatale” who personified femininity’s darker side. According to author Kelly Hayes in “Holy Harlots”, he examined the connection between ethics, social marginalization, and magic.  Ms. Hayes was a professor of religion at Indiana University.  Her book covered PombaGira possessions and worship, and how this spirit was used as an outlet for the frustrations created by life in the favelas, or shantytowns, of Brazil. Hayes pointed out that the spirit of Brazilian music, Carnival and culture largely comes from the favelas. This was also where spirit-based religions and PombaGira flourished as means of dealing with crime and violence.

Iris Lopez. Matters of Choice, (Intro through Part I, PGS ix-44)

According to “Matters of Choice”, Iris Lopez presented a comprehensive study of the dichotomous views that depict sterilization either as measure of a compulsory program of population control or as a means of charitable or liberating fertility control by distinct women. Lopez drew upon her twenty-five years of research on sterilized Puerto Rican women from five different families in Brooklyn.  She unraveled the interaction how women make fertility choices and their social, economic, cultural, and historical restraints. Interlacing together the opinions of these women, Iris Lopez went in detail about the history of sterilization and eugenics, societal pressures to have less children, a lack of sufficient health care, patterns of gender unfairness, and deception provided by clinicians and family members.

Iris Lopez. Matters of Choice, (Part II, PGS 45-77)

In the second part of “Matters of Choice”, Iris Lopez created an inspiring case for a model of reproductive liberation. He took readers beyond mediator debates to cogitate a broader definition of reproductive rights within a feminist anthropological framework. Sterilization remains one of the most prevalent forms of fertility control in the world, but it has received little recognition for diminishing birthrates on account of its doubtful use as a means of populace control, especially in developing countries.

Iris Lopez. Matters of Choice, (Part II, PGS 78-124) WEB

Lopez makes a stirring case for a model of reproductive freedom, taking readers beyond victim/agent debates to consider a broader definition of reproductive rights within a feminist anthropological context. Iris Lopez not only encourages a rethinking of reproductive models but features women’s own voices and life experiences. I recommend Matters of Choice to anyone interested in learning more about how the national, class and racist legacies of reproductive policies influence the lives of women today.

Iris Lopez. Matters of Choice, (Part III, PGS 125-155)

“In Matters of Choice”, Iris Lopez presents a nuanced analysis of the multiple forces that lead to high sterilization rates of Puerto Rican women. Using their voices, Lopez illuminates women’s reproductive agency, pushing us to think more deeply about the meaning of la operacion. Patricia Zavella, professor of Lation American and Latino Studies, University of California, Santa. “Lopez’s work fills a tremendous void in the social science literature about Puerto Rican women’s lives and fertility.

Linden Lewis, “Caribbean Masculinity: Unpacking the Narrative.”

According to Linden Lewis’s essay on “Caribbean Masculinity: Unpacking the Narrative”, tells of how men located and constructed their own identities in disagreement to or in dialogue with women. Lewis went on to say that similarly to other identities, gender is multifaceted and it is a essentially important to Caribbean scholarship. “Understanding masculinity in the perspective of the Caribbean is not simply about creating a new or expanded academic plan.  Lewis stated that “an important political foundation is necessary for the realization of gender equality and that it was therefore incumbent upon those of us whose scholarly focus was the Caribbean to unpack the narrative of masculinity carefully if we are to do justice to any prospect for reconstruction” (p. 123).

 

Barry Chevannes, “The Role of the Street in the Socialization of Caribbean Males,” in The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean.

Although engaging, the topical essays by Barry Chevannes and Rafael L. Ramirez on men and masculinities in the Caribbean are less successful than the ones just described. Chevannes’ anthropological study, “The Role of the Street in the Socialization of Caribbean Males,” uses haphazardly organized anecdotes from informants from an inner-city neighbourhood in Kingston to draw conclusions that do not seem to follow from the anecdotes themselves. Ramirez’ essay, “Masculinity and Power in Puerto Rico,” focuses on the lexicon of Puerto Rican masculinity. The problem here is that Ramirez employs few tools of discourse analysis, and thus is not able to make connections or draw inferences beyond banalities such as “to call the other a maricon is a major insult to a Puerto Rican male” (246). An interdisciplinary approach to the study of gender and sexual relations in the Caribbean. Essays from sociological, literary, historical and political science address topics such as sexuality, culture, the body,the status of women, and the wider social relations that inform these subjects.

E. Antonio de Moya, 2004. “Power Games and Totalitarian Masculinity in the Dominican Republic,” in Caribbean Masculinities.

Uses, as a point of departure, the public salience of conjugal infidelity, among other phenomena, to examine the construction of masculinity and power relations in the Dominican Republic.Critically reviews the international literature and theory on masculinity and relates it to the Caribbean in general and the Dominican Republic in particular.Analyses masculinity in terms of the casa/calle dichotomy and its underlying double-standard. Produces a typology of masculinities, subordinate and hegemonic, which characterise Dominican and other Afro-Caribbean contexts, drawing on the work of Rafael Ramirez’ Dime Captain, as well as on the author’s own work on sex and sexuality.

Chapter 3 of the book “Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses” is presented. The author assesses power games and totalitarian masculinity in the Dominican Republic. He stresses the importance of masculine identity to the problematic of legitimation for political and social life in the country. Also noted is a hierarchy of categories, subcategories and labels used by the public for comparing men.

Kulick, D. 1997. The Gender of Brazilian Transgendered Prostitutes

The essay discusses how an analysis of the gendered practices of Brazilian transgendered prostitutes (travestis) can illuminate the ways in which gender in Latin America is bound up with sexuality. The article suggests that the particular configurations of sex, gender, and sexuality in Brazil and other Latin American societies differ importantly from the dominant configurations in northern Europe and North America and generate different arrangements of gender, consisting not of men and women, but of men and not-men.

Padilla, M. Introduction, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

While much has been written on the female sex workers who service these tourists, Caribbean Pleasure Industry shifts the focus onto the men. Mark Padilla discovers a complex world where the global political and economic impact of tourism has led to shifting sexual identities, growing economic pressures, and new challenges for HIV prevention. “Caribbean Pleasure Industry is a major new work on the political economy of gender and sexuality. Mark Padilla’s detailed ethnographic study of male sex work in the Dominican Republic opens up new insights in relation to masculinity and male sexuality more generally. Few studies have so carefully documented the impact of changing social and economic forces on intimate experience—or the ways in which this intersection shapes the evolving HIV epidemic.”  “Mark Padilla’s Caribbean Pleasure Industry is a first-rate analysis of the ways local constructions of identity and lifestyles of male sex workers in the Dominican Republic are influenced by the ideas and practices of their foreign male clients who live in far-away places.

Padilla, M. 1 Global Sexual Spaces and Their Hierarchies, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

Mark Padilla discovers a complex world where the global political and economic impact of tourism has led to shifting sexual identities, growing economic pressures, and new challenges for HIV prevention. In fluid prose, Padilla analyzes men who have sex with male tourists, yet identify themselves as “normal” heterosexual men and struggle to maintain this status within their relationships with wives and girlfriends. Experiences of these men will interest anthropologists, but his examination of bisexuality and tourism as much-neglected factors in the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

While the prostitute is presented as possessing agency, this is only to the extent thatmuch like a talking doll she performs the role of  prostitute in order to satisfy her client’s desires. Ultimately, the prostitute’s body is presented as a commodity to be ‘sold’ a ‘means to an end’ and, having been ‘sold’, it becomes a terrain upon which the client exercises his own sexual agency (2007: 87-8).

Padilla, M. 2 “Me Lo Busco”: Looking for Life in the Dominican Pleasure Industry, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

Recent economic trends in the country demonstrate the rapid growth of informal-sector work among lower-class men, and many of these men are filling employment niches that include occasional, episodic, or career participation in the pleasure industry— arguably the fastest-growing sector of the Dominican informal economy devoted to the provision of pleasure and recreation to visiting foreign guests. 1 One consequence of these macrolevel processes, increasingly salient since the U.S. invasion of the country in 1965, is that a growing number of young, lower-class men are engaging in sex-for-money exchanges with tourists. During the many years that the Dominican economy relied on the export of sugar, coffee, cacao, and tobacco, the state levied export taxes on these products, thus collecting revenues from the export sectors. By definition, free-trade zones were tax-exempt. As such they did not make contributions to state revenues or to the national economy other than through wages and local expenditures. Now as then, Caribbean sexuality is intertwined in the fabric of the global economy, as patterns of labor, migration, and travel shape the ways that individuals and groups relate to one another, the degree and kind of economic constraints they confront, and the strategies they employ in “looking for life.”

 

 

Padilla, M. 3 “Orgullo Gay Dominicano”: Shifting Cultural Politics of Sexual Identity in Santo Domingo, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

international gay tourism in the Dominican Republic commodifies— that is, produces a global demand for the “production” of— certain expressions of masculinity and male sexuality. These compose what I have referred to as a “marketable fantasy,” a socially constructed desire that drives touristic sexual practices and consumption patterns, as well as providing an opening for local entrepreneurs to, in the terminology of sex workers, sacarlesplata a los turistas (get money out of the tourists).appropriation of global gay cultural symbols and modes of protest in this particular case ironically effaced a critical stance on the larger structural inequalities and defirst Dominican “orgullo gay” (gay pride) event— as it was later described by the participants— is the way that it embodied both the local concerns of the nascent gay community in Santo Domingo and the appropriated symbols and modes of public expression that are broadly representative of global gay discourse. El Drake is therefore a key site in Santo Domingo where a well-known gay place— in the sense of a physical location imbued with cultural meaning for gay men— has spatially overlapped with the expanding tourism interests of local business owners and the state.

Padilla, M. 4 Familial Discretions: Unveiling the Other Side of Sex Work, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

Miguel is a well-known bugarrón in Santo Domingo with relatively lucrative connections to the international sex trade, a success which he attributes to his sociable personality and his English-language proficiency. He learnt English easily which served him well, since they have allowed him to continue making a living in the sex industry despite competition with younger bugarrones who are often in higher demand. This made him as we say decent  or honest living, more like a sex slave living with the tourists has allowed him to provide a relatively stable income for his common-law wife, Sonia, and their three children, the eldest of whom is now twelve. The theme of parental neglect is clear in sex workers’ narratives. Memories of alcoholism— typically on the part of the father— are common and are often associated with habitual abuse. Many young children and teens were expose to sex work while doing there jobs as limpiabotas (shoe shiners) or chiriperos (street vendors) in which caused the urges for them to want to participate in sex work.

Padilla, M. 5 “Love,” Finance, and Authenticity in Gay Sex Tourism, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

high tourist season, or when gay tour groups are in town, the small bar can become so crowded that bugarrones who can no longer squeeze through the doorway gather instead along the street outside and attempt to solicit from clients as they stumble into their taxis. Simon, enticed years ago by the erotic allure of the Dominican Republic, sold his businesses in Spain and England and began Charlie’s as an extension of his private home, which is located adjacent to the bar and easily accessible through a door that reads simply “Privado” (private).

Padilla, M. 6 AIDS, the “Bisexual Bridge,” and the Political Economy of Risk, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

The latter approach is essential for the epistemological analysis of the “bisexual bridge” metaphor that is developed in this chapter, which provides a critical rereading of epidemiological models of sexual orientation in international public health discourses on the Caribbean AIDs epidemic. This chapter seeks to advance CMA as applied to the global HIV/AIDS pandemic by combining it with a political economy of sexuality. True political economy of sexuality one which considers global structural processes as well as individual subjectivities and the local cultural meanings of sexuality that we are able to discern the ways that large-scale structures are internalized, enacted, and experienced. Indeed, the neglect of this macromicro linkage has been a conceptual weakness of prior analyses of HIV/AIDS from the perspective of CMA, precisely because the meanings of gender and sexuality within the local cultural system are easily obscured by the broad analytic lens required for the analysis of global structural processes. In fact, the idea of a “bisexual bridge” by which HIV infection passes from “homesexual” populations is not new in epidemiological discussions of aids.  Male bisexuals have often been characterized as a “bridging group,” enabling HIV to be transmitted from apparently discrete sub-populations of behaviourally homosexual and behaviourally heterosexual individuals. Most usually, it is suggested that bisexual men pose a special threat to their female partners through having had sex with other men, particularly exclusively homosexual men. Such accounts stereotype reality in that they posit the existence of two identifiable and discrete groups of individuals, the “homosexual” and the “heterosexual,” that are capable of being “bridged” by a third type. Second, sex with women was very commonly reported among all groups, with nearly all heterosexuals, bisexuals, and gigolos reporting sex with women, as well as more than half of the self-defined homosexuals (55.8 percent) and a third of cross dressers.

Padilla, M. Conclusion, in Caribbean Pleasure Industries

In this book, I have examined numerous effects of the pleasure industry on various domains of life among the bugarrones and sankypankies whose experiences are described in these pages. Nevertheless, the evidence presented in this book suggests that HIV transmission between men employed in the pleasure industry and their female partners may be a significant factor in the epidemiology of the Dominican AIDS epidemic— and one which most likely has analogous expressions in various developing contexts— but such an interpretation has been obscured by cultural taboos, disciplinary biases, and the persistent marginalization of structural approaches in global health. Continuation: These transformations have Fostered an environment in which men who “look for life” in the expanding pleasure industry for example, by working as guias, vendors, chauffeurs, waiters, or hotel employees are likely to encounter the necessity and the opportunity to engage in sex-for-money exchanges with tourists.

Chulito, p 1-72

Chulito is not a pure fiction read, although the excellent writing and the in-depth exploration of characters and their motivations certainly places it in that category. Chulito takes center stage in this story as he comes to terms with his sexuality and his developing romance with childhood friend Carlos. So there’s a coming-out story with a romance between two young adults — sixteen and seventeen years of age — with sexual content and mild violence included. How the author goes about telling his story? W