Question 1

In his published works, James Der Derian addresses a variety of topics, including but not limited to: diplomacy; alienation; terrorism; intelligence; national security; new forms of warfare; the significance of information technology in international relations; poststructuralist theory; and the military-entertainment-media matrix. According to Der Derian (2009), the positivist perspectives that form the basis of realism and other traditional approaches are incapable of comprehending the temporal, representational, territorial, and potentially dangerous powers of virtualism as the world enters new hyper-realms of economic penetration, technological acceleration, and new media. This is because these perspectives are rooted in the idea that space and matter are objectively existing entities that can be observed and studied. This occurs as a result of the whole world entering a new hyper-realm of rapid economic growth, advancing technology, and the proliferation of new media.

When starting a conversation, postmodernists often begin by illustrating how power has shifted into nonphysical forms. Der Derian (2009) brings up the tried-and-true tactic of moving security away in a decentralized international security structure. He asserts that the world has inherited an ontotheology of security which maintains that just one kind of protection is necessary and must exist in order to be considered adequate. When discussing the concept of decentralized security, Der Derian (2009) makes a reference to Stephen Walt as an individual who supports the alliance structure in a decentralized international security system. Under the alliance system, many parties will need to work together in order to be victorious against their other international competitors. This is a postmodernist strategy to ensuring international security, and it was put into practice during and after World War II with great effectiveness. This issue is raised due to the rapid rate of change in the international system and the inability of international theory to explain the aforementioned development (Lipschutz, 1995). In order to demonstrate just how secure the dominant paradigm in the study of international relations is, the importance of security is examined. This security assessment employs interpretative techniques to pose epistemological, ontological, and political questions. These are the kinds of inquiries that, far too often, are ignored, devalued, or replaced by the narrowly focused, technically skewed inquiry of what it takes to attain security.

The Western approach to sentinel security has come to be characterized by the notion of decentralizing security, which is a well-known concept. Even in the present day, nations such as the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Japan, together with a number of countries in Europe, continue to uphold their alliances. Presidents Barrack Obama, Donald Trump, Prime Ministers Boris Johnson, and other western leaders have all used the traditional concept of decentralizing security. These alliances not only help to distribute power more fairly, but they also make it more likely that countries will continue to cooperate with one another in the case of a threat to their safety (Lipschutz, 1995). For instance, when the United States and the United Kingdom invaded Afghanistan, more US government personnel joined the fight against terrorism. This is also the case with other military operations. This sort of postmodernist agenda illustrates how the use of traditions is crucial to ensuring world security.

Question 2

Regional organizations are essential to the United Nations’ ability to achieve its global objectives. They may be essential in ensuring that these promises are kept in addition to helping member countries create action plans for sustainable development. Regional organizations are expected to make it simpler to put legislation promoting sustainable development into action (Ravenhill, 2017). By aiding the member states in the creation of national action plans, they help the member states achieve this aim. It will not be able to accomplish Goal 16, which is to make communities more welcoming and peaceful, without the help of regional organizations. Contributing to the peace, prosperity, and democratic processes that include everyone in each region is a priority for each regional organization as well as their individual and collective duty. They have done this by establishing strong institutional and legal frameworks.

Strong regional organizations are essential important to preserve justice, peace, and the credibility of our institutions. The risks of international homicide, violence against children, human trafficking, and sexual assault must be addressed if we are to create communities that are welcoming and conducive to long-term success. These problems are connected and provide particular difficulties. They also make it possible for everyone to get justice and for institutions at all levels to be held accountable (Amin & Palan, 2001). High levels of violent conflict and insecurity are harmful to a country’s development because they impede economic growth and often result in long-lasting instability. While some communities seem to be trapped in violent cycles that never seem to end, other communities have managed to sustain high levels of safety while simultaneously reaching high levels of prosperity and peace.

To achieve sustainable development, it is crucial to expand access to justice, provide safety and security, and uphold human rights. Sustainable Growth The 2030 Agenda includes the preservation of peace under Goal 16 of the document. In order for the ideas of comparative advantage, complementarity, and sharing the load to become universally accepted, it is essential to intensify this cooperation. The 2030 Agenda is based on the idea that human rights, peace, and development all coexist and are mutually beneficial. There is no such thing as an island country, and every country has needs, threats, and problems that are closely related to those of its neighbors. The United Nations and other regional and subregional organizations have produced results that may be evaluated when they have worked closely together. Due to their specific knowledge and superior understanding of the ways in which things work in their respective fields, these organizations are especially important to improving the effectiveness of the United Nations (Amin & Palan, 2001). Additionally, they may quickly communicate this knowledge with one another due to their proximity geographically. Additionally, they are more aware of and concerned about the many local stakeholders. As a result, they are able to leverage their local connections, expertise, and resources to support criminal justice and crime prevention activities. The global viewpoint, considerable experience, and enormous influence of the United Nations may be of assistance to organizations on a regional and even sub-regional scale.

Question 3

Liberals believe that markets should be unrestrained since interference by the government jeopardizes stability and economic progress. However, the debate over the concept of “embedded liberalism” and the possibility for macroeconomic and regulatory activism has lately returned in light of the ongoing global financial crisis. Governments may adopt domestic policies aimed at lessening the severity of economic shocks under the embedded liberalism system of global trade (Strange, 1996). It is a free market that is based on social needs, in other words. Market competition is often treated as if it were a natural occurrence. The framework was developed to allow nations to trade freely while simultaneously enhancing their social welfare initiatives and managing their economy to reduce unemployment. The system’s expansion was fueled by this. Liberal integrated concepts emphasize the necessity for controls to restrain market excesses. Reviving free trade was the primary goal. In order to preserve the greatest possible employment levels, the second goal was to provide national governments the leeway to interfere in their economies and create comprehensive social programs. The restoration of the free market economy as it existed in the late nineteenth century was seen as being incompatible with the second goal. This was primarily because investors would find it easy to withdraw their money from countries that pursued interventionist and redistributive policies in a world with a free international money market.

Neoliberalism is a political philosophy that seeks to transfer control of economic issues from government to business, including both politics and economics. Libertarianism and conventional liberalism are combined to create neoliberalism. Numerous neoliberal programs aim to increase the effectiveness of capitalism’s free market while decreasing government expenditure, regulation, and ownership. Neoliberalism is another term for market liberalism. The laissez-faire school of thought holds that the government should only become involved in a small number of the economic problems that affect the people and the society (Strange, 1996). A theory related to free-market economics is neoliberalism. Laissez-faire economics postulates that for ongoing economic progress to occur, there must be greater levels of technical advancement, a wider spectrum of free market activity, and less governmental intervention.

Embedded liberalism promotes individual liberty while elucidating all facets of society, including how the government functions. But philosophy is not limited to one field of study. Neoliberal policies, on the other hand, are totally centered on the individual. They prioritize both the financial markets and the rules and norms of the economy. Regarding trade barriers, embedded liberalism performs better than neoliberalism. The state’s influence on and control over capital may be said to be similar. Business norms are robust in an integrated liberal framework, but they have significantly declined under a neoliberal economic system (Mikler, 2018). State-owned businesses have been eliminated in countries that have adopted neoliberalism, but they nevertheless thrive in countries with liberal governments that have been in power for a long period. The government’s biggest concerns are neoliberal economies competing with one another and the geopolitical tension brought on by entrenched liberalism.

References

Amin, A., & Palan, R. (2001). Towards a non-rationalist international political economy. Review of international political economy, 8(4), 559-577.

Cronin, A. K. (2002). Behind the curve: Globalization and international terrorism. International security, 27(3), 30-58.

Der Derian, J. (2009). The value of security: Hobbes, marx, nietzsche, and baudrillard. In Critical Practices in International Theory (pp. 161-178). Routledge.

Lipschutz, R. D. (1995). On security. Columbia University Press.

Mikler, J. (2018). The political power of global corporations. John Wiley & Sons.

Ravenhill, J. (Ed.). (2017). Global political economy. Oxford University Press.

Strange, S. (1996). The retreat of the state: The diffusion of power in the world economy. Cambridge university press.